Christo-fascists harass High School Student

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Figure 1 shows remarkably little evidence of class voting in presidential elections from
1952 through 1972. Averaging over this period, Democratic presidential candidates garnered
46% of the votes of whites in the bottom third of the income distribution, 47% of those in the
middle third, and 42% of those in the upper third. In only one of these six elections, 1964, did
the gap in Democratic support between upper-income whites and lower-income whites exceed
6%.

On the other hand, from 1976 through 2004 there is a strong and fairly consistent income
gradient evident in the presidential voting behavior of white Americans. Averaging over the
eight presidential elections of this period, whites in the bottom third of the income distribution
cast 51% of their votes for Democrats, as compared with 44% of middle-income whites and 37%
of upper-income whites. The gap in Democratic support between upper-income whites and
lower-income whites thus increased from 4% in the earlier period to 14% after 1976. The 2004
election was, as it happens, quite consistent with the pattern since 1976: John Kerry received
50% of the two-party vote among whites in the lower third of the income distribution and 39%
among those in the upper third of the income distribution – a difference of 11%.

It should be clear from these comparisons that economic status has become more
presidential elections from 1952 to 2004, this adjustment increases the average Republican vote share by
0.4 percentage points.

The Democratic vote share for the middle third of the income distribution is omitted from the figure for
visual clarity, but generally falls between those for the lower and upper thirds.
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important, not less important, in structuring the presidential voting behavior of white Americans
over the course of the past half-century. Moreover, the general trend in support for Democratic
presidential candidates among whites in the bottom third of the income distribution has been
upward, not downward. Nor is this merely an artifact of anemic working-class support for Adlai
Stevenson running against Dwight Eisenhower in the first two elections of this sequence; Al
Gore and John Kerry did better among low-income whites in the close elections of 2000 and
2004 than John Kennedy and Hubert Humphrey did in the close elections of 1960 and 1968.
Thus, while it is generally true that Democratic presidential candidates have lost support among
white voters over the past half-century, those losses have been entirely (and roughly equally)
concentrated in the middle- and upper-income groups, and have been partially offset by
increasing support for Democratic candidates among low-income white voters.

Fixing Ron Paul voters? You mean those of us who recognise reality?

I'm in enough squabbles right now...

Maybe if you'd acknowledge the real world instead of the dream world Republicans seem to inhabit all the time you wouldn't be